Author Archive for Alonzo Fyfe

The Waste of a Life

A couple of the leaders of the atheist blogsphere got into a dispute recently over the death of pastor Paul Jones.

It started with PZ Myers posting the blog entry, How Sad in which he wrote:

Paul Jones has died. I didn't know him, or even know about him, until his obituary was sent to me, but it's an utterly tragic life story. He was an ordained Baptist minister — there's a waste of a life right there — and his death was ironic and futile.

Hemant Mehta (a.k.a. Friendly Atheist) did not approve. In a post titled, How Sad, Indeed. He wrote:

Believing in God is not as bad as using God's name to advance your own political agenda. That doesn't mean belief in God is correct. But it doesn't imply a complete waste of time. We could all name plenty of religious people (current and historical) who have done wonderful things in the name of their God. It's petty to dismiss those good works because they were done in the name of a God we don’t believe in.

Fortunately, I have a theory of value that is perfectly applicable to these types of questions from which I can derive who (and to what degree) each writer is correct.

In fact, both writers are correct in their own way.

Imagine that there is a nurse who has decided to care for the health and well-being of an isolated community. However, she has come to believe (by whatever mechanisms allow people to believe in absurdities) that arsenic is a cure-all. She arrives with a lifetime supply of arsenic pills. Whenever somebody in the village expresses some discomfort or shows signs of any illness, she provides them with a little arsenic. Those who get better (as some of them certainly will – arsenic in small doses is not fatal but its effects are cumulative) then praise the nurse and the power of her medicine.

However, at the age of 52, this nurse has a tragic accident that takes her life.

This nurse has wasted her life. She has actually done worse than wasted her life. Let’s assume that there is an afterlife in which she learns the truth – that she really was poisoning the villagers and making them slowly sicker over time. If she truly cared about the welfare of the villagers, then this would be a tragic and heartbreaking discovery. She herself would come to the conclusion that, for the sake of those she cared about and, in her ignorance, were suffering harm at her hands, it would have been better for her to have died sooner – or to never have lived at all.

It does not matter that the villagers honored her and praised her, that they remembered her as a compassionate person always willing to come to the aid of those who were sick. It does not matter that she herself thought that she was doing something good. What matters is the fact that she was, in fact, doing harm.

This is the measure of a life.

We can argue that prayer, unlike arsenic, is not poisonous. It does no harm. Yet, ‘having no effect’ is not the same as 'doing no harm.' It matters whether the person is left better or worse off than she would have otherwise been.

We can imagine the villagers being given sugar pills instead of arsenic, generating a genuine placebo effect and giving them the (false) sense that they are actually being cared for. Willing to give the sugar pills a try, they put off seeking real medical care, allowing diseases to develop longer than they would have if this nurse had not given them false beliefs about its effectiveness. A few faithful might even watch their children die of diseases that could have been easily treated. In this case, even without poisoning the villagers, our nurse still made them worse off than they would have otherwise been.

She still would have reason to weep if, after death, she discovers the truth of her actions.

The obituary for Jones also said that he:

always found a way to provide for churches and charities as well as individuals in need.

Does this provide a way saving his life from having been a life without meaning?

Well, it depends in part on what type of charities he gave his aid to and the type of help he gave to people in need.

If he had limited his help to prayer then we are still left with a case like that of the nurse giving away arsenic pills (or placebos, as the case may be). It is the case of a person who produced no real-world good and may have done real-world harm.

However, even if he contributed to genuine charities – charities that did real-world good, we have two questions that we need to ask about the nature of these contributions to measure the value of his life.

First, what motivated these donations to charities?

The relevant test here would involve determining the answer to the question, "Would Jones have contributed to these charities if he did not believe that a God existed?"

If Jones was truly interested in the welfare of others then he would have cared about their welfare even in the absence of a God. He would not have been willing to abandon them to their own fates, watching them suffer with indifference, simply because no God existed to pat him on the head for his good deeds or threaten him with hell for his evil deeds. A person who responds only to these types of rewards and punishes cares nothing about other people – he cares only about his own welfare, and his concern for others only comes as a pretense.

However, if he would have been touched by the suffering of others even in the belief that no God existed – if he had genuine concern for their welfare of a form that did not depend on heavenly rewards or punishments – then he would have spent his life producing real-world good for real-world people in service to real-world people, not in service to am imaginary deity.

However, if the belief that no God exists would have turned him away from charitable work, we may assume that he real motivation was to please God or to buy a ticket to heaven, but that he cared nothing about the people around him. A person must be utterly lacking in compassion to stand around and do nothing while others suffer in a universe where no God exists.

This person, who spent his life serving God or avoiding hell, but who actually cared nothing about the people around him, has, indeed, wasted his life. The good he has provided was, at best, a fortunate side-effect of his actions – but was not a part of his intention or among his goals. He is like the person who, tripping over a shovel as he walks down the sidewalk, happens to crash into a child and knock him out of the way of an oncoming train. He deserves no credit for his actions – no praise – precisely because he did not desire the good that came from his actions. Not if, in the absence of the shovel, he would have watched the child get run over by the train with complete indifference.

Second, what were the opportunity costs of this devotion to charity?

Let us assume that, through a person's charitable activities, he raises $50 for religious efforts that do no real-world good (e.g., missionaries, churches, putting up billboards that say, "Why do atheists hate America?"), funding legislation to ban abortion or constitutional amendments to exclude homosexual unions from the definition of marriage), and $50 to charities that do real-world good (feed the hungry, treat the sick, provide shelter for the homeless, conduct research into any of a number of diseases, clean up the environment).

However, in the absence of his efforts, people would have otherwise contributed $75 to the latter set of charities.

In this case, the true effect of this person's efforts is to drain worthwhile charities of $25 that they would have otherwise gotten. This is not a person to be praised for the $50 that he gave to worthwhile charities that do real-world good, or the $100 in charitable donations that he actually made possible. This is a person who made the world worse off than it would have otherwise been, by costing charities that do real-world good $25 that they would have otherwise had.

In this case, we are talking about a life that was actually spent preventing good from being done more than it was a life spent doing good.

Finally, let us look at a more favorable case – one in which charities that do real-world good would have normally received $25. However, because of Jones’ hard efforts they received $50 instead. We would still have to weigh this gain against contributions that do real-world harm.

Many of the examples that I gave above are not contributions to waste-of-effort but harmless activities. They are contributions to activities that do real-world harm. If he spent effort promoting prayer or the teaching of creationism in the nation's schools, blocking homosexual marriage, fighting to outlaw early term abortions, and supporting the destructive policies of President George Bush because of these beliefs, these harms must be weighed against any good that might have come from the effect is efforts may have had in getting more money to charities producing real-world benefits.

It is true that the obituary does not actually give us enough information to decide which category Jones actually belongs in. The most important part of his life might well have been in giving real-world care to his friends and family. In fact, I would be willing to bet good money that Jones genuinely cared for his friends and his family and even strangers in ways that he would have continued to care for them even if no God existed. He would have still sought after their welfare. He might not have been all that political, and his contribution to the evils of religion we have seen over the past eight years in particular might have been minimal.

If this is the case, his life was not at all wasted. If this is the case, then he took care of the people he cared about and did little harm to outweigh the direct good that came from his actions. We may even call him a good man.

Or he may have been like our nurse, handing out poison and preventing the people he thought he was helping from getting real-world help that would have mitigated their real-world problems.

We simply do not know.

Human Dignity

My recent postings on the selling of organs for transplant touched on the concept of human dignity. There are some who argue that a person who sells his organs (e.g., a kidney) for money is somehow sacrificing human dignity. It is somehow undignified for a person to be reduced to a state in which he must sell off body parts for cash. It makes him little more than a commodity – an 'organ market' rather than a full human being.

G-man commented:

I would venture to guess that people who trade their organs don't find the process to be a violation of human dignity.

I am not willing to grant that venture without more argument. It could very well be the case that those who sell their organs for money do find it a violation of human dignity. It may be the case that those who sell their organs simply find themselves in a position where there is something more important to them than preserving their dignity. Perhaps they have gambling debts to pay off, or they dream of going to college, or they have this plan to start a business that will make him and his family rich. So, he sacrifices his dignity for a greater good.

The place to start with respect to dignity is that it is a value-laden term. It is a term that has value written into its very meaning. It is no mere coincidence that something that results in a violation of dignity is bad – just as it is no mere coincidence that bachelors are unmarried. An evaluation is written directly into the meaning of a term. We cannot actually tell whether something is a violation of human dignity until we have a theory of value that we can use to evaluate that something. If our theory of value suggests that something is not bad, then it cannot be 'undignified'.

If it is true (as the desire utilitarian maintains) that desires are the only reasons for action that exist, and that nothing is good or bad except insofar as it is such as to fulfill or thwart desires, then nothing conforms to or violates human dignity except insofar as it is such as to fulfill or thwart desires. We must have a reason to dislike that which is undignified, and if no reason to dislike it (in the form of a desire) exists, then the claim that it violates human dignity is false.

Elements of human dignity are often taken to be elements that contain intrinsic value. There is something intrinsically wrong with treating people in certain ways. However, intrinsic values do not exist. No state of affairs contains within itself a 'reason for action' dictating that those who perceive it properly must approve or disapprove of it. The person claiming that things are intrinsically undignified is taking his own (probably learned) aversions and mistaking them for perceptions of something external.

G-Man states:

I think the argument has to do with perception. In other words, there may be no intrinsic human dignity, but the way people perceive others influences the way they treat them. So, it seems normal to "sell" your brain and muscles, and nobody perceives that as violating human dignity.

The issue here is one of cause and effect. If others should come to perceive you as merely a tool for their gratification, then they can be expected to treat you as a (mere) tool. The thing about tools is that we can destroy them in the pursuit of our ends, and their destruction does not matter much (except we lose the use of the tool at a later time). There are some tools (e.g., explosives) that are meant to be destroyed when we use them.

Certainly, we have little reason to promote the idea that people are mere tools. For one thing, it risks becoming victim to the idea that we and those we care about are mere tools. Instead, we have reason to preserve the sense that people are something more than tools and, as such, there are certain ways in which they are not to be used. I am not just an organ farm for your convenience. I am a person, and my status as a person requires that I be treated with a certain amount of dignity.

However, if the exchange of a kidney for money is purely voluntary, then this would defeat any claim that I am being treated merely as a tool if I should volunteer to sell my kidney for money. My ends – my goals – are being respected by the fact that I am being provided with the means to pursue my own goals – a wad of money. In fact, it is quite reasonably the case that a wad of money is more useful to me in the pursuit of my goals than a backup kidney. I can't think of any way that my second kidney can help me to retire more quickly so I can work full time on moral philosophy except insofar as it is something that I can use to get extra money.

But selling organs seems like it violates human dignity. And since it seems to do so, it actually does.

This is an important insight.

Take what G-Man wrote above about dignity and apply it to language. There is nothing in the word 'lion' that intrinsically means 'a member of the cat family that lives in prides'. However, because we have assigned this meaning to the word 'lion', it actually does mean that.

We assign meanings to acts in just the same way we assign meanings to words. A salute in the military means something. There is nothing in a salute that intrinsically indicates that the one saluting owes obedience to the one being saluted. This is a meaning that we have assigned to this act. Yet, because we have assigned this meaning, it actually does have the signification we assigned to it.

A culture may designate that it is an insult to fail to present a business associate at a meeting with a business card. Because the act (or, in this case, the non-act) of failing to provide another with a business card has been deemed insulting, it actually is insulting.

Similarly, if we assign to the act of selling an organ the meaning that, "I am something less than a human – a mere organ farm for use by others, then, the person who sells an organ, like the person who salutes a superior officer, is communicating something that we do not want people to be communicating. Effectively, the objection is, "You shouldn't say such things."

But meanings like this are arbitrarily assigned and can be just as arbitrarily unassigned. If it were to turn out that one of these arbitrarily assigned meanings interferes with life-saving activities, this alone is good enough reason to reconsider the arbitrarily assigned meaning we have given to that action. We simply need to decide, "It doesn't mean that at all."

In the case of a military salute, this would be easy. The military would simply hand down new rules. In the case of a cultural norm where no person or group has the authority to dictate meanings, it may take a lot of hard work in order to change public attitudes. Organizations devoted to making sure that people who need organs get the organs they need may need to invest some of their money in a PR campaign that compares the selling of an organ to, for example, the selling of a house or a few hours of one's labor.

We see these types of campaigns all the time, where groups try to take something that has been perceived as good or indifferent and promotes a public attitude of hostility. One example is the way that Mothers Against Drunk Driving changed the image of the drunk driver as the comic nuisance to the irresponsible deadly menace. Another is the way religious groups have promoted the image of atheists as being un-American by writing this idea into the national pledge and national motto.

Where people have a habit of taking their feelings as perceptions of intrinsic value, and where they have learned aversions to the thoughts of people selling organs, the best way to proceed might first require a campaign to change those feelings. Organizations interested in making sure that organs are available to those who need them may need to invest some money in a campaign along these lines.

The question to ask before starting this campaign, however, is, "What will be the effects of weakening this aversion generally?" Will it, in fact, promote the availability of organs to those who need them? Or will it lead to the sense that poor people exist merely for those who have money to use for their own convenience regardless of the cost?

Selling Transplant Organs Part II: Options

Yesterday, I started looking at the issue of buying and selling organs for transplant (e.g., kidneys). I looked at three considerations.

(1) The feeling of yuckiness at having a market in organs. However, we have to ask if the ‘yuckiness’ that people feel at the thought of a market in human organs is, perhaps, like the ‘yuckness’ people once felt (and some people still feel) towards interracial relationships. We have to ask whether this aversion to a market in organs is an aversion that people generally have many and strong reasons to promote, or whether it is an aversion that people have many and strong reasons to inhibit.

(2) Voluntary exchange among competent adults tends to fulfill the most and strongest desires of both participants. If it did not, then they would not engage in the trade. Realizing the desire-fulfillment consequences of trade we have reason to be averse to interfering in the voluntary exchanges of competent adults, including the exchange of cash for kidneys.

(3) However, markets, combined with large differences in income, create a situation where rich people can bid resources away from more highly valued uses (in terms of desire fulfillment) and into less highly valued uses. During a drought, unregulated markets allow rich people to bid water away from those who are dying of thirst to use in swimming pools, fountains, and watering their golf courses.

So, a market in organs such as kidneys would allow rich people to redistribute human organs away from the more highly valued uses (or, at least, equally valued uses) that poor people have for their kidney and towards the less highly valued uses (or, at best, equally valued uses) of the wealthy.

For example, if kidneys were bought and sold on a market, would a rich person with kidney failure be permitted to purchase two functioning kidneys? An unregulated market would allow this. To prohibit it would be to regulate the market.

Would wealthy people be permitted to purchase kidneys to keep them in storage just in case they might be needed at a later date – throwing them away once they have reached their expiration date? Allowing this would be an example of redistributing kidneys from poor people who have a more highly valued use for them, to rich people who values the kidney only as an insurance against possible future harm.

Assigning kidneys by lottery, rather than by willingness to pay, seems to respect the assumption that the poor people value their kidneys as much as rich people do, and that “willingness to pay” (or, more precisely, “ability to pay”) should not be used as a method for moving rich people to the front of the line (and poor people to the back).

However, rationing creates its own problems – it generates shortages.

How many hours would you work each week if the government prohibited people from paying workers? Let us say that the contribution of time to a company had to be completely voluntary, like the contribution of a kidney must be completely voluntary. I suspect that such a program would lead to an economic disaster. Nothing (or very little) would actually get done, and people would limit the work they did to that which would benefit themselves and their immediate family and friends.

We see this in the kidney market, where a prohibition on exchange leads to a severe shortage of kidneys, which has nearly 100,000 people in the United States alone suffering (and dying at the rate of 18 per day) for the want of a (market in) kidneys. It is not the case that, by allocating kidneys in the absence of price, the right and poor equally get to live. Rather, the current rationing system is one in which rich and poor equally get to suffer and (for some of them) die.

And let’s not kid ourselves. Even where the buying and selling of organs is prohibited, rich people have options that poor people do not have – from the luxury of being able to spend 30 hours per week on dialysis to the means to pay for it.

Our options are not limited to “completely unregulated market” or “outright prohibition on the selling of organs”. There is a wide range of options in between.

From a desire utilitarian perspective, there are moral facts. However, they are not always easy to discover. One of the things we may need to do to determine the moral facts is to allow a certain amount of experimentation. In this case, the experiments would involve allowing different states to try different methods for redistributing organs. One of the things that a desire utilitarian can all for is more data, which can then be used to help answer the question.

For example, allow a state to set up a system where the government pays money to the estate of a person who (1) signed up as an organ donor, (2) who died in a state in which her organs could be harvested, and (3) died of natural causes.

Such a law would almost certainly increase the number of organs available for transplant by increasing the number of people who sign up as organ donors. Taxpayers have many and strong reasons to support such a plan since it helps to ensure that an organ is available if the taxpayer (or somebody the taxpayer cares about) should ever need one.

People also have reason to support such a policy to the degree that they have reason to be concerned with the size of their estate and what can be done with the money. This is a gift that they can leave their spouse or children (or parents) in the case of an untimely death – like life insurance without the monthly premiums.

The plan would also side-step the problem of markets redistributing resources away from poor people who have a higher valued use for the product but who cannot afford to outbid the rich person. We may assume that, after death, an individual will have no further use for these organs – that the only options left to the person who died would be low-valued uses.

One major reason not to adopt this policy is a feeling of ‘yuckiness’ associated with the selling of organs. However, there are enough people who report not having this sensation that we have reason to conclude that this is a learned reaction. We can choose whether to promote or inhibit this feeling of yuckiness. Since the feeling is one that tends to thwart other desires (or so it seems) it is a feeling that we have more and stronger reason to inhibit than to nurture.

Some readers brought up some interesting ideas concerning the ‘human dignity’ argument that I would like to address. However, given space limitations, I would like to make that the focus of tomorrow’s post.

I would like to see some state legislature experiment with this option and see if it does not improve the quality (and even the quantity) of life for some of its citizens.

This is just one idea. It is a mistake to think of this issue to be one in which only two options are available - a completely unregulated market and a complete prohibition on exchanging organs for other things of value. When we look at the issue and find problems with a particular solution, it does not automatically follow that, "We have aproblem here. We must completely prohibit a market in transplant organs." Another option is usually available - to design the law in such a way so as to avoid the problem without blocking the availability of transplant organs to recipients.

The main point being that when we step into a realm of moral uncertainty, we have reason to collect data by allowing different states to experiment with different methods to determine which actually helps to promote the life, health, and well-being of its people.

Selling Organs for Transplant

I have recently gotten an urge to take an important moral issue where I really do not know what the right answer is and look at it from a desire utilitarian perspective. I want to look at a set of steps that desire utilitarianism suggests and to use it as a kind of a road map for looking at other issues.

The issue that I want to write about is that of selling organs such as kidneys.

I discussed this issue two years ago in a post called "Buying and Selling Organs" . There, I looked at a number of arguments against selling organs and dismissed each one rather quickly. The only argument that I gave in favor of organ selling is that it would save lives. Though that, to me, sounds like a particularly good argument.

Like I said, this time I want to look at the issue in more detail and tie the specific arguments directly into desire utilitarian theory.

The first and strongest argument that we will likely encounter against selling organs is that it feels yucky. The opponent simply thinks of the idea of a person being paid a sum of money to give up a perfectly good kidney – an offer that he then takes. This just feels wrong. Going on feelings alone, these people side with any politician who would oppose such a system.

In response to this feeling of wrongness, the opponent might drum up all sorts of rationalizations to give this feeling legitimacy. They might argue that it is "playing God" – though, in fact, God gets his morality directly from us. We are the ones who decide what God likes and dislikes and then assign our preferences to Him. God is a human invention, and so is His ethics.

Other catch phrases that are used is that violates human dignity to reduce a human body to a product to be bought and sold on the market place. But what is this 'dignity' and how is it violated by the buying and selling of organs? After all, I sell my brain to the highest bidder for 40 hours each day, as well as the use of my muscles. People also sell blood, eggs, and sperm. These do not seem to have harmed human dignity in any way.

Ultimately, these claims about 'playing God' and 'human dignity' are ultimately just different ways of saying, 'It feels yucky'. Only, we don't want to say 'It feels yucky' because this hardly seems like a good enough reason to bring people to an early death that could have been prevented. We need a better, nobler, grander idea so we pretend that our feelings are associated in some way with a divine entity or some mysterious entity called 'human dignity'.

Within desire utilitarianism, the fact that something 'feels yucky' is a legitimate concern. At the point of action, we all act so as to fulfill the most and strongest of our desires, given our beliefs. If those desires include a particularly strong aversion to the buying and selling of organs, then that is going to impact our behavior. It is just like the aversion that people have to, say, the feeling generated by a third degree burn. If a state of affairs that involves buying and selling organs causes so much discomfort, that alone is a good reason not to do it.

Yet, for a desire utilitarian, we have to go one step further. In addition to noting that we have an aversion to the buying and selling of organs, we have to ask (1) is this aversion malleable, and (2) if it is malleable then how should we mold it to make it compatible with the fulfillment of the most and the strongest of other desires?

Consider, for example, the aversion that some people have towards interracial relationships. They have a primary aversion to these relationship such that the mere thought of a white person and a black person having children. They, like the person who is averse to the buying and selling of organs, are likely to take their sentiment as the final word on the issue. They neglect the desire utilitarian question, "Okay, we know that we have these sentiments. Is it a good idea that we have these sentiments, or should we train the next generation to be free of these prejudices so that they can have longer, healthier, and happier lives than we allowed ourselves?"

Do we have reason to promote this aversion to the buying and selling of organs, or do we have more and stronger reason to inhibit this aversion?

The prima facie argument on the other side argues for inhibiting the aversion to buying and selling organs.

First, there is the fact that voluntary exchange between two individuals tends to fulfill the desires of both individuals. At least, it tends to fulfill the more and stronger desires given the beliefs of the agent.

Now, no agent does a perfect job of knowing his own interests. Agents are fallible. Still, for the sake of efficiency, we have many and strong reasons to establish institutions where each person's decisions are made by the most knowledgeable and least corruptible agent imaginable. Except in cases of young children and severely mentally handicapped, the most knowledgeable and least corruptible individual for advancing an agent’s interests (fulfilling his desires) is the agent himself.

If person A is put in charge of decisions affecting A's life, then A is going to make choices based on what best fulfills the most and strongest of A's desires, given A’s beliefs, at any given time. On the other hand, if person B is put in charge of decisions affecting A's life, then B is still going to perform those actions that tend to fulfill the most and strongest of B's desires. Hopefully, B has a desire to advance A's interests and enough knowledge of A to know what those interests are. Yet, even in the best of circumstances, B's desire to advance A's interests will necessarily be a subset of B's interests. B will still have other desires, and will still act so as to fulfill the most and strongest of B's desires given B's beliefs.

In a voluntary exchange – kidney for money – we may assume that both agents are fulfilling the most and strongest of their own desires by agreeing to the exchange. Interfering with the exchange thwarts the desires of both participants – leaving them in a situation that the most knowledgeable and least corruptible agent tells us will thwart many and strong desires of both agents. We also have a love of liberty telling us that this aversion to the buying and selling of organs is something that we ought to be inhibiting. This love of liberty that desire utilitarianism recommends shows itself in terms of an aversion to interfering with voluntary exchange. We should find the idea of people interfering with voluntary exchange (without special justification) to be objectionable in itself, regardless of its consequences.

However, at this point I would like to bring in a particular form of market failure that I have written about several times. Markets, when combined with wide differences in income, allow people with a lot of money to bid resources away from people with little money, even though the people with little money would use those resources to fulfill more and stronger desire.

My standard example of this is that of a rich person bidding up the price of bottled water after a disaster such as Katrina so she can give her dog a shampoo, or rich people bidding up the price of gasoline in order to fulfill their SUVs while poor people cannot afford to heat their house in the winter.

The application in this case is that rich people in this case would bid up the price of kidneys to where they can get a kidney whenever they want one, while poor people could not afford them.

It is not unreasonable to assume that, on average, the poor person values the rest of his life as much as the rich person. However, the poor person cannot pay as much to protect and preserve the rest of his life as the rich person. So, when the rich person bids a kidney away from a poor person, this is almost certainly an example in which the rich person's ability to pay more is in no way tied to the fact that his life has greater value.

As for those who keep their kidneys (who do not give them up for transplant) the same principle applies. The rich people get to keep both kidneys and turn down any money that might be offered for them (in a sense, very much like bidding up the price of a kidney), whereas the poor person cannot afford to give up that same amount of money as easily as the rich person. Even when he values his kidney as much (or more) than the rich person, the rich person still has the ability to 'bid' kidneys away from their higher valued uses.

It simply seems unfair that rich people (in virtue of their wealth) should be given the power to bid kidneys away from poor people for whom the kidney likely has an equal and may have a higher valued use. At least, not from a desire-utilitarian perspective. The system of buying and selling kidneys would not necessarily be one in which the most and strongest desires are fulfilled. It could very easily be one in which the fewer and weaker desires of those with money get fulfilled by bidding resources away from those who have more and stronger desires but less ability to pay.

This analysis is not done, and I am not yet ready to conclude that the buying and selling of organs is wrong. I have so far only looked at three arguments. The first is a 'gut feeling' response to the thought of selling organs which, like interracial marriage (for some) may well be a gut feeling that we are better off changing. Arguments for liberty and the benefits of voluntary trade for both participants argues for allowing organ sales. However, the capacity of the rich to bid resources away from the more highly valued uses to which the poor might put those same resources.

I want to continue to look at some of the other considerations that surround this issue tomorrow.

E2.0: PZ Myers: Should I call myself an atheist?

This is the 36th in a new series of weekend posts taken from the presentations at the Salk Institute’s "Beyond Belief: Enlightenment 2.0.". I have placed an index of essays in this series in an introductory post, Enlightenment 2.0: Introduction.

The last three presentations at Beyond Belief 2.0 had to do with whether people should call themselves atheists. It started with Sam Harris’ presentation where he discussed an earlier speech to the Atheist Alliance International, where he suggested doing away with that ‘A’ word. It continued through Jeff Hawins' presentation on selling atheism through atheist entrepreneurship – and the ‘atheist’ brand name simply carries too much negative baggage to be useful.

So, at the end of the conference, Beyond Belief 2.0 host Roger Bingham called upon Atheist blogger PZ Myers in the audience for some comments on what it is like being an open, uncloseted atheist.

On the off chance that a reader might not know Myers, he is the author of one of the more popular atheist blogs Pharyngula. In his (very conservative) home town he is known as the village atheists, but reports that he is not treated with any hostility. In fact, people complement him on his civility.

They think that I am one of the most courteous savages they ever met.

He went on to say that atheists should go ahead and label themselves as atheists.

I kinda reject the notion that we should not label ourselves as atheists. What we need to do is label ourselves as atheists and stand up in a civil manner in front of these people and have a conversation.

I pointedly reject this point of view.

I also reject the view that atheists should ‘change their name’ or treat the label of being an ‘atheist’ as something to be ashamed of – something that we should run from. I do not see this as a dilemma between abandoning the term ‘atheism’ or accepting the term under Myers’ terms. Rather, I support a third alternative, that I will get to later.

I have a question for Mr. Myers. If all we need to do is to stand up in a civil manner in front of these people and all of our problems will disappear, doesn’t this assume that for the past 150 years we have not been civil?

We have two options. Either atheists have been civil (or at least displaying the normal distribution of civility that we would find in the rest of the population), or atheists have for some reason spent the last 150 years being far less civil than non-atheists.

If atheists have displayed the normal range of civility over the past 150 years, yet people still have this negative view of atheist, then this suggests that the hostility towards atheists is not at all linked to our civility. If we display the normal human range of civility and others still hate us, then is it our obligation to be more civil than non-atheists just to be regarded as equal?

This is neither fair nor just.

The other result, of course, is that atheists have engaged in behavior that has been far worse, on average, than that of non-atheists and, as such, we have brought this hostility down upon ourselves. Yet, I want to see some evidence that this is the case. I want to see some proof that the negative view of atheists that has over half of the population refusing to vote for an atheist candidate is somehow the atheists’ fault.

In fact, Myers himself is expressing anti-atheist bigotry with these remarks. Myers himself is making judgments based on the false assumptions that atheists, overall, are a worse class of people compared to non-atheists, and if atheists would just improve their behavior and act like everybody else, we could be accepted in the community.

It doesn’t matter that Myers is an atheist himself. There is a great deal of evidence that shows how the victims of prejudice can adopt the attitudes of the bigots that dominate their society. In a racist community, the way in which the culture teaches white people to look down on blacks can also have the effect of causing black people to look down on (other) blacks. Cultural norms that see women incapable of holding positions of leadership can infect women to the degree that they, too, will only support a male leader.

And atheists, who see nothing wrong with atheism, can still harbor deep (and unconscious) sentiments that atheists tend to be people of low moral character and it is this low moral character that is responsible for their poor standing in the community.

Like I said, unless and until somebody provides me with hard evidence suggesting that atheists are of a lower moral character than non-atheists, and that hostility towards atheists are directly linked to this low moral character, I am going to assume – as all fair and just people should assume – that atheists are no different from non-atheists in these matters. I am going to follow the moral dictum of assuming that people are innocent unless proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt.

Under this assumption, recommending that atheists can solve their image problem by becoming more civil is not only unfounded, it is a sign of bigotry. It is an even more pathetic form of bigotry when it is spoken by an atheist against other atheists.

I want to stress, I do not think that Myers intended to insult other atheists. What I am suggesting is that he has unconsciously adopted some anti-atheist bigotry that has worked its way into his subconscious and comes out (unintentionally) in the attitudes he adopts towards his fellow atheists. He has absorbed out of his community shades of the idea that atheists are responsible for their own poor social standing. He has adopted these attitudes without thinking about them – the way many of us adopt attitudes towards others.

We can imagine a member of the Jewish community in Germany in 1930s telling his fellow Jews, “What we need to do is label ourselves as atheists and stand up in a civil manner in front of these people and have a conversation. If we do this, then the Nazi menace will disappear.”

No, it will not.

Nor should we think that walking around with a scarlet ‘A’ on our clothes will end this bigotry. In Nazi Germany, the government required Jews to wear a yellow Star of David on their clothes. This had no effect on diminishing the anti-Semitism in Germany. Instead, the Nazis simply made their victims more visible targets. If America’s government were to require that atheists in America wear a scarlet A the way that German Jews were required to wear a yellow Star of David, this would seem to represent a major success for the ‘Out’ campaign that promotes this type of symbolism. Yet, in this comparison, we see that the symbol counts for nothing.

Nor can we abandon the name ‘Atheist’. Using the term (or not) is not even our choice.

Following the example above, we can imagine a Jew suggesting in 1930, “Perhaps we should abandon the term ‘Jew’. It has such negative connotations. Perhaps, in order to help us become more widely accepted in the German community, we should call ourselves something else – something like ‘Pre-Christians’ perhaps.

Do you really think that this would have done any good? The community targeting them would have continued to call them ‘Jews’ and would have continued to use them as a scapegoat for everything that was wrong with the community. If the community had decided to adopt the label ‘pre-Christians’ they would have done so only by sticking the same negative connotations on the new term that the old term carried.

Atheists do need to continue to use the term ‘atheist’. We need to identify ourselves as atheists and stand up and act in a civil manner. However, in addition to this, the one other thing that atheists must do if the rest is to have any effect is that atheists must get indignant over the insults and attitudes that people harbor towards atheists.

The anti-atheist bigot does not deserve our civility. The anti-atheist bigot deserves our condemnation and contempt. When the Christian writer says that there can be no morality without God and that without belief in an afterlife the atheist is at risk of raping, robbing, and murdering others with wild abandon, it is entirely inappropriate to give a civil response. The moral person does not answer, “I beg to differ with my most esteemed colleague on these matters. The evidence does not in fact support the conclusion that an atheist, who is not bound by religious morality, is at risk of performing these evils.”

The moral person says, “Mr. Smith, in declaring that his religion gives him special knowledge of and motivation to abide by moral truth, has just shown us that his religion instead has made him a hate-mongering bigot. He has just shown himself to be content to promote hatred and hostility towards others based on no evidence whatsoever, but based on the ‘faith’ that his religion alone glorifies the individual who condemns others who do not share his beliefs without any just cause to do so.”

When news anchors, bloggers, newspaper columnists, and politicians learn this lesson, then we may see a change in the attitudes towards atheists. History gives us more than enough examples of people who were, in all things, no less ‘human’ than their neighbor in civility and courtesy, still being subjected to the harshest bigotry and hatred. History gives us more than enough reason to scoff at the individual who says that all we need to do is to “stand up in a civil manner in front of these people and have a conversation.”

Welfare Goods and Desire Utilitarian Rights

In a comment made to yesterday's post "Quality vs. Quantity of Life", Steelman wrote:

It seems to me that "life" isn't an ultimate value (speaking everyday English here) so much as it's a basic value. A necessary value.

In the book, Harm to Others: The Moral Limits of the Criminal Law, Joel Feinberg called this type of value 'welfare value'. Welfare values are particularly important in desire utilitarian theory.

'Welfare values' are those things that are useful for almost anything else a person may desire as an end. They are, in a sense, nearly universal means. They include life (without which it is often quite difficult to fulfill one's desires). They also include health, true belief (or education), liberty, money, property, and help from others.

One of the standard objections against desire utilitarianism is that it is nearly impossible to determine what has value. According to this objection, there are simply too many things to consider to be able to draw a conclusion that something is actually good or bad.

This is a borrowed objection from act utilitarian theory. Act utilitarianism says that we are to perform the act that has the best consequences. Yet, who can determine all of the consequences of an act? A simple act that looks good from the surface – saving a child from a deadly disease – might have dire consequences. This child might grow up to be the next Hitler. So, according to act utilitarianism, the act of saving this child was the wrong thing to do – it was not the act that has the best consequences.

Desire utilitarianism is not concerned with actions except in a derived sense (the right at is the act that a person with good desires would perform). Desire utilitarianism is concerned with good desires – desires that tend to fulfill other desires.

Welfare goods identify a list of objects that are almost universally useful in fulfilling other desires. Desires to protect and preserve welfare values, then, would be desires that would tend to fulfill other desires. Desires to protect life, liberty would qualify.

In a desire utilitarian theory, a 'right to X’ exists where 'people generally have many and strong reason to promote a desire to provide people with X or, at least an aversion to depriving people of X'. 'Welfare goods' provide a good list of things to put in for 'X' in this concept of rights. Thus, we have a 'right' in this case to life, liberty, a minimal standard of living, an education, health care, and the respect of one’s neighbors.

'Rights' in this sense, are not absolute. There are a number of instances in which one right can come into conflict with another, or where a right might run up against the laws of nature. Events could come up where a good person might need to take the life of an innocent person. I have used an example in the past of a child making a purchase from a vending machine that will set off a nuclear weapon in a distant city. The 'right to life' says that the good person would have an aversion to killing the child. However, this aversion may reasonably be outweighed by the good person's desire to prevent the deaths of millions of people in a distant city.

In other circumstances, the good person's aversion to depriving people of liberty might well run up against the need to draft people into military to fight a particularly ruthless enemy, or draft them into service during an emergency. We have reason to promote an aversion to answering mere words with violence (freedom of speech), but we still have reason to condemn the person who would yell "fire" in a crowded theater and to threaten to punish such individuals.

It is also relevant in this case whether socialized medicine or free markets work better in providing people with food, education, and health care. If socialized medicine does not work – if it robs people of health care that they would have had in a free market system, then the 'right' to health care does not translate into a ‘right’ to government-provided health care, or welfare, or education. These consequences depend on the facts of the matter as to which system actually provides people with these welfare goods.

One of the implications of this is that much of the debate that people engage in when it comes to social policy actually makes sense. The debate as to whether markets or government-run systems best provide people with welfare goods is an important debate to have.

Desire utilitarianism disallows either side from claiming that, for example, government systems shall not be used because "They are just wrong." This is because nothing is 'just wrong' in this sense. Something is 'wrong' only in the sense that a person with good desires would not perform the action, and desires are evaluated on their tendency to fulfill other desires. 'Just wrong', in contrast, is an intrinsic-value claim. It is an appeal to an entity that does not exist. No moral argument grounded on a false premise (a premise that “just wrongness” is real and is found in a particular family of actions) is a sound argument.

Yet, it is relevant that a person just 'does not like' depriving others of their freedom of speech (for example). Of course, he needs to go a step further and argue that it is a good thing that people 'does not like' depriving others of their freedom of speech. This, he can do by arguing that an aversion to depriving others of freedom of speech will generally fulfill other desires, since restrictions on freedom of speech are typically abused by people who block the flow of information so that they can thwart the desires of others.

Quality vs Quantity of Life

A debate over the value of life that I participated in with a couple of posts is continuing in the comments section of Evanescent's posting Ultimate Value and Morality and db0's posting on A Division by Zer0, Yet More Hypocrisy from Objectivists.

In this debate over the ultimate value of life, an important distinction is getting blurred between the quantity vs. the quality of life.

If life is the ultimate value the it would seem to follow that the longer a life is (the more life a person has had), the more value has been acquired.

Lets take two people – identical twins, separated by birth when people who traffic in sex slaves kidnaps one of the twins shortly after birth. The kidnapped twin, whom we shall call Longella, is sold on the black market to a criminal organization that engages is child prostitution, and the child grows up being abused (while her education is neglected). She is discarded on the streets of some third-world country shortly after reaching puberty, where she continues to live as a prostitute (since this is the only thing she knows) – being arrested several times and repeatedly raped. When she is no longer appealing to potential customers, she lives a hand-to-mouth existence as a homeless person on the streets until she dies at the age of 59.

Longella’s twin went to Harvard business school, where she was nicknamed ‘Shorty’ by her friends. She went on to form her own company, which was later bought out by Microsoft at a sum that put $5.7 billion into her own pocket. With that money she decided to pursue space travel. She founded a new business that established a hotel in space. Later, in a fully privately financed space venture, she became the first person to set foot on the moon since the Apollo missions. Unfortunately, during her second trip to the moon, a tragic accident resulted in her death. She was 58.

Furthermore, Shorty cultivated her love of space travel from a realization that the development of space is the best insurance against human extinction. Whereas she first came to see space travel as a mere tool – a means to human survival – it became an ‘end in itself’ for her, something that she valued for its own sake.

Now, if life was the only thing that has value, then it would seem that Longella has realized more value than Shorty, because Longella had 59 years of life while Shorty died at the age of 58. If life is the only thing that has value, and Longella lived longer than Shorty, then Longella realized more value than Shorty. If we had the capacity to choose which life to live, and life itself is the sole ultimate value, we should choose Longella's life. We would be irrational to choose Shorty's life – the life that realized less of what has ultimate value.

This, of course, is a patently absurd conclusion. Somehow, the "life is the ultimate value" theorist needs to provide us with an account whereby the Shorty’s life is better than Longella’s life.

The way to do this, of course, is to change the definition of 'life'. It requires saying something like, "When I say that a being is alive, I mean more than that its heart is beating and its brain is functioning. I being is not alive in the sense that I am talking about unless the following is also true . . ." followed by an account of what is allegedly required for "life is the ultimate value" to be true.

This has two implications.

First, it requires abandoning one of the primary arguments used to try to prove that life is the ultimate value. This is the argument that, "Life is essential for value to exist; therefore, life is the ultimate value." This argument uses the term 'life' in its traditional English-speaking sense of being alive. When Shorty died, value for her ceased to exist. However, Longella continued to value for another year. Longella acquired more of that which is necessary for value to exist than Shorty did so, on this argument, Longella’s had more 'ultimate value' then Shorty.

Of course, we already had a reason to abandon this argument. It says that life is essential for value to exist. It also says that life is the ultimate value. So, the argument states that life is essential for life to exist. This is true. However, it is also true that my toaster is essential for my toaster to exist. If my toaster ceased to exist, then it would no longer be the case that my toaster exists. The advocate of 'life is the ultimate value' who uses this argument needs to show how 'life is necessary for life to exist' demonstrates that life is the ultimate value, but "my toaster is necessary for my toaster to exist" does not demonstrate that my toaster is the ultimate value.

Second, the strategy of changing the definition of 'life' leaves us with no account of what it is exactly that makes one life better than another. We are now being told that Shorty's life is better than Longella's life because Shorty's life contained more life than Longella's, even though Longella lived longer.

One important conclusion that I want to draw from this example is to deny that all human activity either does nor should direct itself towards maximizing the number of seconds that one is alive. In evaluating different options, it is quite reasonable to sacrifice "number of seconds alive" in one case in order to realize something else of value. We do it all the time, and a great deal of argument will be required to show that we should not to so.

What can 'life' possibly mean in a context that would allow us to conclude 58 > 59?

Until we are given a definition of 'life' in this context, we have not been given a theory of value. We have only changed the words being used to discuss value. In effect, the “life is the ultimate value” theorist has merely changed the spelling of the word 'value' to 'l-i-f-e' without telling us a thing about what it is.

All he does is tell us, "Of course life is the ultimate value. 'Life' means 'ultimate value' and anybody who denies that the ultimate value is the ultimate value is just an idiot unworthy of our time and attention.”

Which is about as meaningful as telling us, "Of course God exists. 'God' means 'the greatest thing that exists' and anybody who denies that the greatest thing that exists actually does exist is just an idiot worthy of our time and attention." This argument certainly proves that God (under this new definition) does exist. It tells us nothing about what God’s properties are. And it gives us absolutely no reason to believe that 'God' as originally described (as an entity that created the universe, knows everything, and cares about us) actually exists. Using this to assert that it proves the existence of 'God' in the traditional sense is simply invalid reasoning.

The same is true with an argument that says that 'life' means 'ultimate value'.

If 'life' in Objectivist-speak means the same thing as 'life' in English, we are lead to the absurd conclusion that the rational person would choose Longella's life over Shorty's life. So, 'life' in Objectivist speech much mean something different from what 'life' means in English. This means that, until the Objectivist has given us the English equivalent of whatever 'life' means in Objectivist-speak, he has not given us a theory of value. He might as well be telling us that 'woweiu' is the ultimate value. Unless and until he tells us the English equivalent of 'woweiu', he is not telling us anything at all.

'Life' as the term is understood in English is not 'the ultimate value'. This would imply that every decision we make should be evaluated according to its impact on the number of seconds we are alive. What should I have for breakfast this morning? Taste does not matter. Only 'effect on the number of seconds we are likely to live' matters. Who should I marry? Love does not matter, only 'who will contribute to my greater longevity' matters.

The Objectivist, of course, will tell us that, according to Ayn Rand, taste and love does matter. But this only goes to the conclusion that when objectivists talk about 'life' they are using Objectivist-speak and not English. They are using a term that looks like a common English word, and in fact they invite us to draw the conclusion that they are, in fact, using the common English word. Yet, this option – that 'life' in the English language sense is the only thing that matters, would then contradict their assertion that taste and love matter. The only way that 'taste and love matters' can be made compatible with the claim that 'life is the only thing that matters' is to be using 'life' in some non-traditional (and yet undefined) way.

The fact is, Ayn Rand contradicted herself. Attempting to make sense of her claims that 'life is the only thing that matters' and 'taste and love also matter' is like trying to make sense of the claim that 'Jesus, God, and the Holy Spirit are three distinct entities' and 'There is only one God'.

Rand herself said, "If your argument leads to a contradiction, then check your premises. At least one of them must be mistaken." And, indeed, one of her own premises is mistaken.

The proposition that 'life' (in the English language sense) is the only thing that matters’ is false. As the comparison between Longella and Shorty above suggests, we are willing to sacrifice life in order to obtain other goods. This only makes sense to the degree that there are 'other goods' that are more valuable than life.

The proposition that 'life' (in Objectivist-speak) is the only thing that matters is empty. It is like saying 'woweiu is the only thing that matters'. Unless and until the Objectivist has given us an English-language equivalent to 'life' in Objectivist-speak, or taken some other action to define the term, it is meaningless, and statements using the term are empty.

Is There Value After Death?

I overheard a snippet of a conversation yesterday among a couple of people discussing insurance. One of them wondered whether atheists, who have no belief in an afterlife, could care about anything that happened after he died. He seemed to think that the only things that a person can value is what he can personally experience. Since an atheist cannot experience anything after death, it would follow that he could not care about anything that happens after death.

Quite the contrary. Given the nature of desire, there is no mystery to the possibility of an atheist caring about what happens after his death, or even during his life in parts of the world outside of his immediate surroundings.

Let me begin by getting a bit technical and fitting this topic into the general theory of desire utilitarianism.

A "desire that P" is a brain state that motivates an agent to realize any state of affairs in which P is true. For example, a desire that one's child is healthy and happy is a brain state that motivates the agent to realize any state of affairs in which "my child is healthy and happy" is true. A desire that I be remembered by future generations is a brain state that seeks to realize states of affairs in which "I am remembered by future generations" is true.

There are a great many desires where "P" is compatible with the proposition, "I am not alive". For the parent who has the desire "that my children are healthy and happy," it is quite possible for a future state of affairs to exist in which "my children are healthy and happy" is true and "I am alive" is not true. This is what makes it possible for a parent to sacrifice his life to protect his children. The desire is for the well-being of his children. If, by sacrificing his life, he can secure the safety and happiness of his children then he has a reason – in many cases, a very strong reason – to perform an act that will take is own life.

Among my desires I have several for states of affairs that will become true (if they become true) long after I have died. For example, I have a desire that the human race continue to exist – not necessarily as humans, but that there always exist some race of beings that are the descendents of humans. As the Andromeda Galaxy slowly crashes into the Milky Way 3.5 billion years ago, I would hope that there are people around to live through it who can trace their ancestry back to the primitive life forms that were once confined to the area in the neighborhood of Planet Earth.

This desire motivates me to act so as to realize future states of affairs in which the proposition, "Descendents of human beings exist" remains true – as far into the future as possible. That desire motivates me to write paragraphs such as this on (and the one before) in the hopes that expressing this interest in the survival of the human race (and its descendents) I can motivate others to take actions to realize this same state of affairs. The more people who are acting in ways that are compatible with realizing this state of affairs, the more likely it will become that this desire will be fulfilled.

Of course, I will not be around to be aware of our continued survival (or not). I will be dead in a few more decades (at most). But it is still the case that I have a desire that P where P = "Some set of beings that can trace their ancestry back to modern humans survives" and that desire motivates me to act so as to realize such a state of affairs. The fact that I will not be alive when (if) that state of affairs gets realized is irrelevant to the fact that it would fulfill my desires.

The problem with the speaker that I overheard is that he thinks that we only desire experiences. Consequently, a future state of affairs that we cannot experience has no value. His 'theory' that we only value experiences is immediately conflicted by the fact that a great many people value things independent of experiencing them. Atheists are not indifferent to the welfare of their children after they die, or to their legacy, or the suffering of people on the other side of the planet that they will never meet. Atheists value these things without experiencing them – something that the experience theory of value cannot handle.

This fact gives even us atheists a reason to support an institution of wills and estates (which is really what the conversation I caught a snippet on was about).

I have desires that P that can be realized in states of affairs that are caused to exist after I have died. I realize that, after I am dead, I will no longer be able to act to realize those states of affairs. However, while I am alive I can still arrange for other people to act so as to help realize those states of affairs after I am dead. Those other people are inevitably going to act so as to fulfill their own desires given their beliefs. However, this does not imply that everything is hopeless. I only need to bring about a state of affairs in which those agents, in acting so as to fulfill their own desires, act in ways that will help to realize the things that I desired when I was alive.

I can do this, while I am alive, by supporting an institution of wills and estates. That is, I can get people to act so as to fulfill my desires after I die by giving people a desire to act so as to fulfill the last wishes of somebody who has died. Their "desire to fulfill the wishes of somebody who has died" accompanied by a list of instructions written into my will (instructions that I at least believed would help to realize future states of affairs that I value) will help to realize states of affairs that would fulfill by current desires.

There is no mystery in this type of value.

In fact, there is something at least mildly sinister in which this agent I overheard speaking dealt with this question.

Given that atheists obviously care about the future, and that the speaker was aware of this fact, there are two attitudes that this speaker could have taken when approaching this topic. One attitude would be, "By my understanding of atheists they have no reason to care about what happens after they die. However, they do care about what happens after they die. So, obviously my understanding of atheist values is flawed."

The other attitude is, "By my understanding of atheists they have no reason to care about what happens after they die. However, they do care about what happens after they die. Therefore, atheists are insanely irrational."

The former shows a measure of respect for others – a willingness to treat them with dignity that other humans observe, and a willingness to refrain from harsh and harmful judgments unless compelled to do so by evidence. The latter shows a deep-seated bigotry, where one assumes without question that the targets of one's bigotry have a particular trait. It is like assuming that a blonde is dumb or that a black person can tap dance or that a Jew is a part of a money-hungry cabal that controls the world’s banks for the purpose of channeling money into their own pockets. These types of unwarranted negative stereotypes are the essence of bigotry.

Whereas a fair assessment of atheists – one that doesn't display a deep-seated bigotry – begins with the assumption that there is a reasonable explanation for what one observes.

The attitude that the speakers I overheard took on this matter substantially implies that an atheist parent would be indifferent to the torture of his own children as long as it occurred after he died (or in a way where he never found out about it). It assumes a callous disregard for others that there is absolutely no support for. This lack of support would suggest to the moral person that the attitude that atheists care only about experience must be false. Whereas this lack of support does not phase the bigot – he cares only to see his prejudice as justified without any regard to the facts of the matter.

The Gasoline Tax Holiday and Candidates’ Moral Character

Democratic Presidential Candidate Hillary Clinton’s stand on the “gas tax holiday” does not reflect well on her presidency at all. An article on CNN, Obama camp out with new gas tax ad, Clinton camp fires back tells of the specifics of this dispute, and it shows Clinton willing to promote harmful fictions in her pursuit of power.

The proposal on the table is to suspend the Federal gasoline tax for the summer in order to keep gasoline prices down and to save the American gasoline buyer some pain at the pump when they fill their vehicle.

Now, we have two options. Either the supply of gasoline is elastic (responds well to differences to price), or it is not. There is, of course, a range of options in between. However, if both of these end points are bad, then any place in the middle is equally bad.

Let us assume that the supply of gasoline is not elastic. If this is the case, then a lower price will result in increased demand. When demand increases for a scarce product, prices go up. This is precisely why gasoline prices are going up now – because demand has increased and supply has not kept up. This strongly suggests that we are in a period of maximum capacity. We may assume that the current price of gasoline reflects the point at which demand matches supply. (Rising prices suggests that we are actually at a point where demand exceeds supply.) So, the market response to a reduction in the gasoline tax would be to raise prices to the point that demand again matches available supply.

The result will be no gain to the consumer. The gain, instead, will go to the oil companies, who will be able to pocket money that now goes to the government.

That’s one end of the spectrum.

The other end of the spectrum is that the supply of gasoline is elastic and will respond to price. This means that the market will not respond to tax holiday by raising prices but, instead, will raise its supply output to match the existing demand. Setting aside the fact that if the gasoline industry was in a position to do this then prices would not be rising today, this suggests that Clinton’s solution to the problem of gas prices is increased gasoline consumption. Fossil fuel use is a leading contributor to greenhouse gasses. Clinton, then, is advocating that the government spend billions of dollars to promote the burning of fossil fuels, to the detriment of future generations.

But, future generations do not vote and cannot vote against Clinton. In order to secure the Presidential nomination, it seems, Clinton is more than happy to do harm to those who do not have a vote (future generations) in order to buy the support of those who do vote (current generations).

Any place between these two end points (determine by the degree to which gasoline supplies can be increased to match increased demand) is simply a trade off between ‘profits for oil companies’ (to the degree that gas supplies cannot go up any further) and ‘promoting greenhouse gas emissions’ (to the degree that gas supplies can be increased to meet the increased demand).

Now, either the Clinton camp is aware these facts, or they are not. Neither option flatters the Clinton campaign.

If they are not aware of these facts, then Clinton has surrounded herself with a bunch of ignorant fools – and we do not need ignorant fools running White House policy for another four years.

The other option is that the Clinton campaign team has taken a poll that has told them that a gas tax holiday proposal is a vote getter. In spite of the fact that they know that the plan will do no good – that it will actually do more harm than good – most people do not have a sufficiently in-depth understanding of economics to see through to the likely outcomes. They think that this proposal will save them money, and they are all for saving money. Rather than educate us on the economic facts of the matter so that we can better promote our values, they seek to perpetuate and actively promote our ignorance – by telling us that these fictions are true. In their quest to win the election, they do not care about the harm that uneducated people will do to themselves by following policies they know will do more harm than good.

From a political campaign perspective, the choice is simple. It takes a lot of energy to educate the public. It would take a lot of effort to go out and teach the people the economic facts that say, “If you go along with this proposal, either you will be handing your money to the oil companies or doing greater harm to future generations. You will probably just be handing your money to the oil companies.” It takes much less effort to say, “You’re absolutely right. If we suspend the federal gasoline tax for the summer all of that money that the government otherwise collects in taxes will end up in your bank account with no adverse consequences.”

To be fair, I need to mention that the Clinton Administration seeks to combine this gasoline tax holiday with a windfall profits tax on oil companies in order to compensate the government for losses in revenue. Where are the oil companies going to get this money? Well, they’ll get it by raising the price of gasoline to cover the additional cost – by an amount approximately equal to the reduction in taxes. So, people still pay the gasoline tax to the federal government. Only, the tax goes through the oil companies on the way to the government.

Assuming that the ‘windfall profits tax’ on oil companies matches the lost revenue from the gasoline tax. The result is no net effect on the people buying gasoline. They will pay just as much at the pump, and the money will be divided up as it is now, only the method of dividing up the money has changed. The change is one that gives the people the false impression that something was done (that consumers are getting relief and the evil oil companies are being punished) when, in fact, nothing had changed.

This, in itself, is problematic in light of the assertion coming from the Clinton campaign that:

"That’s a critical distinction in this race between, in Senator Clinton, someone who understands the pain that middle class and working class families are feeling…and Senator Obama, somebody who just doesn’t seem to understand that middle class families are hurting, working class families are hurting and that they need relief," Clinton Communications Director Howard Wolfson said.

The misinformation campaign extends not only to telling the people falsehoods about the effectiveness of their own plan, but maligning somebody who is telling the people the truth. It is one thing to be dishonest to the people. It is another when that dishonesty extends to telling people that they should distrust somebody who is being honest with them (on this issue).

It causes one to wonder if a Hillary Clinton administration would act like the Bush administration in sending out the attack dogs to malign the character of anybody with a voice who dares to tell the people the truth about administration policies.

To be fair, of the three principle candidates for the Presidency, Republican nominee John McCain’s position is by far the worst. McCain has no wind-fall profits tax that will replenish government revenue. Instead (assuming that gasoline prices are inelastic) McCain’s proposal will have the simple effect of reducing government revenues by several billion while increasing oil company profits by a like amount. It causes one to wonder how much the energy company lobbyists are ‘investing’ in lobbying the Republican Party for a gas tax holiday for the consumer.

This, then, highlights another problem with Clinton’s mis-education campaign. Lying to the people on the effects of the gasoline holiday, she would then have to get a bill through congress. This bill would then be subject to political compromise. Republican obstructionists could threaten to hold up the bill until certain concessions are made – concessions that would mean the federal government getting less money (and being forced to endure the risks of a national infrastructure that would be left unrepaired as a result of this policy. At the same time, the oil company executives (and lobbyists) will be the sole beneficiaries and oil company stockholders getting more.

Through her decision to promote myth for the sake of political expediency, she takes away the people's ability to protect themselves from demagogues such as John McCain - somebody obviously willing to exploit a myth in order to transfer more money into the pockets of oil company executives. She gives him cover by supporting, rather than challenging, the fiction on which McCain's policy was built.

This is just one policy in this election. However, this policy does give us a suggestion as to the moral character of the camps - of what they want to accomplish and how they are willing to accomplish it. Character is important. Character tells us something about how a candidate will treat us in the future.

Religious Beliefs and Human Survival

I do not consider religion to be inherently bad. Instead, I look at individual religious beliefs and judge them to be good or bad depending on the degree that it causes believers to behave in ways harmful to others. A belief that there is a god that wants us to feed the hungry and care for the sick is not on my list of problem beliefs. A belief that there is a god that commands the believer to kill anybody who questions that belief is a problem.

Two religious beliefs are a threat to the long-term well-being of the human race. One of them gets a great deal of attention – it is the belief that God will soon bring an end to the human race anyway. It is a belief that the Rapture (or some other religion’s equivalent) is just around the corner, so we need not worry about how our actions today will affect the planet 100 years from now. People who hold this belief risk engaging in behavior that will thwart a great many desires 100 years from now.

Last week, I heard the flip side of this belief. I was with a group of people in which I brought up a recent study that showed that there is a risk of Mercury hitting Earth sometime in the future. According to computer models, Jupiter pulls on Mercury little by little, tugging it out of orbit, until it crosses Earth’s orbit. At that time, there is a risk of an actual collision. (Jupiter also pulls on Venus and Earth, but we are so much larger than Mercury that Jupiter’s effects are minimal.)

This lead to a discussion of threats to the human race.

We have most of the inner solar system mapped and see no threat in the near term (the next few thousand years) from any asteroid crossing the Earth’s orbit. However, we are still at risk of an impact from a long-period comet, coming to Earth from the fringes of the solar system and giving us a few months warning (if any at all) before hitting.

It turns out that the Earth is looking straight down on a system that is at risk of giving off a very strong gamma ray burst. These star systems shoot a burst of gamma rays straight out of their north and south magnetic poles, and we are in a straight line from this system’s pole.

In 2 billion years, the sun will be so hot that life as we know it will be impossible on Earth. In 3.5 billion years the Andromeda galaxy will hit the Milky Way galaxy in a collision that will send the sun on a wild trip – possibly passing uncomfortably close to the center of one of these two galaxies. In 7.5 billion years the Earth will probably be a smudge on the surface of the red giant that the sun has become.

This discussion did not consider the harms that could come to us as a result of a new disease, or (human induced) climate change, or simply as a result of violence and our lack of incentives for taking care of the earth and each other.

In discussing all of these possibilities, one speaker said that we have nothing to worry about because God would not allow anything like that to happen to us.

Honestly, I cannot say whether this individual was serious or if he was being satirical. However, there are people who think this way. It is a very dangerous way of thinking, because it leaves us vulnerable to harms that we could have otherwise avoided. It is much like thinking, “A loving God would never allow anything bad to happen to my child, so I do not need to worry about protecting her from harm.” The parent who does such a thing is guilty of negligence – perhaps negligent homicide, depending of the consequence of doing nothing while waiting for God’s protection.

We condemn the parent who prays over a sick child while the child dies, when modern medicine could have easily saved her life. It is a great deal worse to have whole groups of people praying for the survival of civilization, when we could be taking real-world actions that will serve to greatly reduce the risks we face into the indefinite future.

These are beliefs that deserve our condemnation.

Now, I want to remind the reader of a principle I have defended in this blog and used several times – the right to freedom of religion is not a right to freedom from criticism. It is a right to freedom from violence. In saying that these beliefs are to be condemned I am not threatening anybody’s freedom of religion – because I have not proposed using any form of violence against those who hold this belief.

In fact, I would not use violence, because imposed on people through violence rather than through reason is poorly grounded. It is not only important that people give the impression that they have a belief to avoid certain penalties, it is important that they understand why the belief is worthy of condemnation. The latter person is a much better neighbor than the former.

I would like to see legislation proposed that will help to preserve the survival of the human race. Then, when people challenge that legislation on the grounds that the human race has no long-range survival prospects to worry about, or that God will take care of everything so we don’t have to, use this to illustrate how some religions warp the minds of their followers in ways that threaten the human race.

Though, again, the comments must be focused on those who are actually guilty, and not broadened into bigotry by using this as an attack on all religion. The accusations must remain narrowly focused on those who are actually guilty. But those who are actually guilty of promoting beliefs that threaten human survival should be called out to answer for it.

E2.0: Jeff Hawkins: Entrepreneurial Atheism

This is the 35th in a new series of weekend posts taken from the presentations at the Salk Institute’s "Beyond Belief: Enlightenment 2.0.". I have placed an index of essays in this series in an introductory post, Enlightenment 2.0: Introduction.

The Beyond Belief conference came to a close with two short presentations from people who seemed to be there just to observe the conference. One of those observers was Jeff Hawkins is the founder of two computer companies, Palm and Handspring, and the designer of many computing products including the PalmPilot and Treo Smartphone.

Hawkins was given a short (5-minute) opportunity to make a point about entrepreneurship.

Here’s the relevance. We have had two days of people talking about Enlightenment 2.0, and a lot of intelligent speakers presented a lot of intelligent ideas. Those ideas, according to Hawkins, are worthless without entrepreneurship.

He reported how, as a successful business person, people often come up to him with good ideas. They hand their ideas to him and he agrees that this is a good idea. He then looks at the presenter. The problem, he suggests, is not with the idea. It’s with the presenter. “You are not the type of person who can make change happen.”

Talk about brutal honesty.

We tend to think that, “If I have a good idea, the idea will sell itself. All I have to do is build it, and people will come flocking. All I have to do is sign up to create a blog, start presenting my ideas, and soon millions of people will come flocking over to listen to what I have to say, and carrying those ideas out into the world to make change.”

It won’t happen that way.

I have been struggling to come to terms with my own shortcomings in this area for a long time. I have my ideas, but I am not the type of person who can make change happen. I am far too shy and far too docile – too introverted – to do actually bring about change. I can imagine what it would be like to be the type of person who can make change happen. But, can I actually do those things?

Look at this blog and tell me if this looks like the work of an entrepreneur.

Being an entrepreneur is a special type of skill. It is a talent that needs to be cultivated and grown. It requires that a person take an honest look at himself or herself and ask, “How am I going to be the type of person who can make change happen?” It requires more than just a to-do list. It requires adopting the personality of a person who can effect change – a person who does the types of things that make change happen with the same skill that one rides a bike.

Try riding a bike by following a to-do list of when to pedal and when to turn the wheel? You’ll never get anywhere.

All of this makes perfectly good sense, as far as I can tell. Yet, when I think about applying it to a specific instance, I see that Hawkins misjudged some crucial elements of the culture that he was talking to.

Hawkins seems particularly interested in the question of how to sell atheism. He said that it is not a good idea to put a huge target on one’s chest and announce that one is here to bring down the biggest competitor on the block. That competitor will summon the resources at his disposal and squash you the instant it sees you as a threat. With its vast resources, there is nothing you can do to stop it. He suggested that directly challenging religion was a poor idea.

In this blog I am not at all concerned with promoting atheism. I do not think the product is particularly valuable. It is true, perhaps, but a lot of true claims are not particularly valuable. Converting a person to atheism does not automatically make him a better person. This is because atheism does not come with a set of moral guidelines.

However, I am interested in presenting a defense of desire utilitarianism. I defend it because I think it is the best theory of value available.

But here is where the problem was. I am not seeking to sell desire utilitarianism the way that Hawkins might sell a palm pilot or a Treo Smartphone. Desire utilitarianism is a theory of value. Its purpose is to explain and predict components of the phenomena of evaluation. It is a theory in the same way that evolution is a theory of the diversity of life. Evolution explains the changes that we have seen appearing in living organisms on the Earth over time.

The type of phenomena that desire utilitarianism explains includes why we have three different moral categories for action (prohibited, permitted, and obligatory), why negligence is a moral crime, why the actions of a bad Samaritan are not wrong, why particular claims about causation and intention are taken as legitimate ways of deflecting blame (are considered valid excuses), why moral statements appear to be propositions (because they are propositions), and why praise and condemnation have the roles they have in morality.

No other theory does a better job of accounting for these elements.

In this culture – in the culture where theories are presented and defended or defeated based on their ability to explain and predict real-world events, it is perfectly legitimate to walk up to somebody and say, “You are wrong.” I get it all the time. The task is not to try to gather customers to desire utilitarianism the way that one would sign up subscribers to a phone service. The task is to show that the theory actually does do a better job of dealing with real-world observations than any other theory.

The Discovery Institute, for example, treats theories like products to be bought or sold on the market place. They are ‘selling’ a product called ‘Intelligent Design” and they are, in fact, using all of the tools that are used to market a kitchen appliance. They have no interest in truth or the ability to explain and predict real-world events. All they care about is signing up subscribers.

What disappointed Hawkins is that Beyond Belief 2 did not discuss a marketing strategy. There were some remarks pointing in that direction. However, for the most part, the speakers presented a theory and then backed it up with evidence for believing that the theory does a better job of explaining and predicting real-world events than rival theories. In the academic world, you do sell your product by walking up to your neighbor and saying, “You’re wrong and here is the evidence to prove it.”

Furthermore, evidence claims are respected within that community.

We expect evidence claims to be respected everywhere. At the same time, organizations like the Discovery Institute are treating ideas like products to be sold on the marketplace. They are not ‘defended’ in the sense of providing evidence why they are true or false. They are ‘sold’ by linking the product to positive values and by linking competitive products to negative values.

We saw this principle applied to the movie “Expelled: No Intelligence Allowed”. This movie attempted to link their product, intelligent design, to positive values – God and country. It attempted to link the competing product to negative values – Hitler, Stalin, the Holocaust, and similar evils. It did not even attempt to carefully define what the two products were, and offered no defense of Intelligent Design or refutation of evolution in terms of evidence. It focused exclusively on marketing intelligent design, not proving it.

So, we have two cultures which treat propositions in two entirely different ways. One culture treats propositions like products which are marketed and sold like toothpaste and hairspray. With marketing a proposition, you measure the things that can be said in its defense by its persuasive power – by whether the claim increases sales. The other culture treats propositions as claims about the world. When proving propositions, you measure the things that can be defense by whether it actually supports the truth of a proposition – by whether it increases the chance that the proposition is true.

The problem is that, if the first group is constantly evaluating ways to improve sales, and adopting claims based on that test, it is only reasonable to expect that they will be constantly increasing sales over time. The second group – the one that evaluates ideas in terms of truth – can expect to constantly struggle against the steadily improving marketing skills of their competitor.

Hawkins made one claim against the different ideas that think there is a lot of reason to question. Speaking about the fact that people once widely believed that the world was flat, they now believe it to be round, and the reason for the change is because there was money to be made sailing around the earth. He was wrong on a number of accounts. If you could find a way to make money off of evolution, he said, then it too would come to be universally accepted just as the round earth is now accepted.

Hawkins is wrong on two accounts. The first is that the earth was known to be round since the days of the ancient Greeks. The debate that Columbus had with the scholars of his day was not over the shape of the earth, but with its size. Scholars at the time said that the Earth had a diameter of about 24,000 miles – Columbus said it was about 14,000 miles (and that the East Indies were just over the western horizon). Columbus was an idiot – who managed to get lucky in stumbling into the Americas where he thought China should be.

More importantly, Hawkins was wrong to think that you can’t make money off of evolutionary theory. Evolution is the foundation for all of biology, which in turn is the foundation for all of medicine, agriculture, and environmental studies.

At the same time, the real dispute that the Church had with science in the 1600s was whether the Earth or the Sun was the center of the solar system. The Sun-centered solar system has come to be widely adopted. Yet, I cannot think of many ways in which the difference between the two could be explained in terms of profitability.

Hawkins made two true and important claims.

First, the idea that truth will always conquer myth and fiction is, itself, a myth. Truth requires that people actually take the effort to defend it.

Second, it takes a particular set of personality traits to affect change. It takes a willingness to act and a talent in getting people to pick up the cause and join in the action.

A well marketed fiction can well win the day – as it does in most parts of the world, and that is something for us to be worried about. That is something that should be teaching us to do a little bit more than sit back, enjoy our casual lives, and expect truth to win out on its own without any effort on our part.

Scalia, Torture, and the Responsibilities of Writers

I don’t think that I will be able to forgive liberals for a long time for this – for putting me in a position where I feel compelled to defend the likes of Supreme Court Justice Anthony Scalia. However, Scalia recently made some comments about the constitutionality of torture that liberal writers have taken well out of context in order to score political points.

There are enough political points that can be scored against Scalia without making things up about him.

Scalia's comments were a part of the following exchange on the CBS news show 60 Minutes

STAHL: If someone’s in custody, as in Abu Ghraib, and they are brutalized, by a law enforcement person — if you listen to the expression “cruel and unusual punishment,” doesn’t that apply?

SCALIA: No. To the contrary. You think — Has anybody ever referred to torture as punishment? I don’t think so.

STAHL: Well I think if you're in custody, and you have a policeman who's taken you into custody–

SCALIA: And you say he's punishing you? What's he punishing you for? … When he's hurting you in order to get information from you, you wouldn’t say he’s punishing you. What is he punishing you for?

Scalia is right.

For something to count as punishment it has to be a penalty inflicted by law for the commission of a crime.

Punishment is when the law states, "Any person driving greater than 25 miles per hour within 1000 feet of a school shall be skinned alive in a vat of salt water."

This is punishment in the legal sense. It is punishment because the state has declared that this action shall be taken against a person upon conviction of a crime. It is done as retribution for a past offense.

If a soldier drags an Iraqi citizen out of his house, straps electrodes to his genitals, then connects the wires to the car battery in order to get information out of him, this is torture. It is also cruel. However, it is not punishment in the legal sense. The 8th Amendment does not apply.

There is a Constitutional prohibition that applies in this case.

No person shall be . . . deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law

Plus there are all sorts of provisions for what counts as due process of law. The fact that necessity requires depriving people thought to be enemy soldiers of liberty without due process of law in terms of a trial and conviction is much of the reason why prisoners of war may not be subject to harsh punishment. The harsher the punishment, the more due process is required to prove that the punishment is justified.

The moral issue that I have with this is that those who wrote gotcha articles against Scalia on this issue should have known the truth about what he said.

Those who knew but who did not care have shown that they are the type of people who are comfortable with bearing false witness against others for the purpose of promoting (unjustified) hostility against them. We do not need these types of people in this culture. We are much better served by people who care about the truth, and who will confine their attacks to the things people actually say and do because they are wrong, and not make up fictions for the sake of promoting hostility.

Those who did not know what Scalia actually meant were intellectually reckless. They were still people motivated by a desire to hate and, as a result of that motivation, blinded themselves to relevant facts that a concerned and responsible person would have seen. I have little doubt, in most of these cases, that if a liberal had said exactly the same thing, many of these willfully blinded people would have instantly seen the fact that, "Oh, no, this liberal that I love (for being liberal) was not saying that torture is good. He was saying that torture for the sake of getting information is not punishment in the legal sense. Punishment means retribution for a past crime not harsh treatment for the purpose of extracting information."

They did not see this answer in this case because they did not want to see it. Their desire to score political points against another was stronger than their desire to see the truth, and their relative lack of interest in the truth is a moral strike against them.

We can add to the moral transgressions in this case that the writers were not only willing to distort Scalia's words in order to score gotcha points against the political right, but were also willing to distort the Constitution. At issue here is the interpretation of the 8th Amendment. An eagerness to distort the meaning of the word punishment for political ends is an eagerness to distort – to miseducate people on – the meaning of the Constitution for the sake of political expediency.

We can extend this sphere of moral culpability outward to include the audience for these writers. This type of writing exists to the degree that there is an audience for it – a group of readers whose attitude is, "Do not tell me the truth. Tell me what I want to hear." This is the attitude that makes Fox News popular, and the attitude that is responsible for a political campaign that completely lacks substance.

We can also expand this sphere of moral culpability by adding the crime of hypocrisy to the moral offenses. Many of those who embrace the distortion of Scalia’s words will condemn political rivals who are too eager to accept distortions in their own thinking.

The first thing we need are readers who are willing to demand from writers a greater respect for the truth – readers who, on discovering such a willful blindness to the facts in an issue say, "I can't trust that writer any more – time to move on and find one who respects truth over rhetoric."

We also need readers willing to condemn other readers who do not follow the same standard. Readers who are willing to say to their neighbors, "Your decision to be willfully blind to obvious distortions made for political purposes makes you a part of the problem."

Like all moral crimes, this one will never go away. However, like all moral crimes, any success we make in reducing the frequency and magnitude of these crimes makes the world a better place than it would have otherwise been.

Gasoline Prices

According to an article on MSNBC Online, the most important issue on America’s mind this election (at least at the moment) is high gasoline prices. People want the government to do something to lower the price of gasoline. And candidates are responding with plans to lower prices – mostly by lowering or suspending the government’s tax on gasoline during the summer.

The problem with this scheme is that, if the government eliminates the tax, then demand will increase. Increased demand (without an increase in supply) means that the price will go up to where demand equals supply – which is about where the price is today. Meaning, the result of this move is that the money that would otherwise go to the government, will go to the oil companies instead.

Ultimately, however, the moral problem here is that the actual cost of gasoline is much higher than people seem willing to pay. Those who argue for gas prices to be lower are advocates of a system that tax the poor and tax future generations - making them worse off - so that they can drive their vehicles. The people who are forced to suffer the costs are those who do not have a political voice. They are starving in another country where they cannot afford food, or they are members of a future generation too young to vote or not yet born.

Fossil fuel consumption is the leading contributor to global warming. Global warming is a subsidy – a 'wealth transfer scheme' - that transfers wealth away from those who will suffer its ill effects (future generations) to those who are causing the problem. Future generations will pay that cost in terms of the destruction of coastal properties, higher death rates due to extreme weather, disease, and and heat-related deaths, loss of property, and even the destruction of whole (low-lying) countries. If we were to pay for the gasoline we used ourselves – pay an amount that would compensate future generations for the harms we will otherwise force them to endure, we would be paying far more than we do now.

The best way to force people off of gasoline (and fossil fuels in general), and onto alternatives such as walking, riding a bike, using public transportation, buying locally-produced goods that do not need to be shipped half-way around the world, is to raise the price. There is no better incentive for getting people to reduce the amount of an activity than by making it more expensive to do so.

Unfortunately, this solution comes with another problem. It is problem that I discussed even in the first days of this blog. The very wealthy (the ‘aristocracy’) has the power to bid essential goods and services away from the poor.

I illustrated this problem in the days after Hurricane Katrina hit in discussing 'price gounging' accusations against people charging as much as $20 for a bottle of water. John Stossel argued that ‘price gouging’ was a good thing – that high prices helped to ensure that water was going to its most highly valued uses and not to lesser-valued uses (uses for which people were not willing to pay $20 per bottle).

I told a story about two women bidding on a bottle of water. A poor woman wanted the water in order to give it to her sick child. A rich woman wanted the water to use it to shampoo her pet poodle. In the free market, $20 to the rich woman has a significantly lower 'opportunity cost' than $20 for the poor woman. The rich woman has stacks upon stacks of $20 that she can spend on other things – the loss of one $20 bill is insignificant. The poor woman has very few $20 – the l